A gladiator (Latin: gladiator, "swordsman", from gladius, "sword") was an armed combatant who entertained audiences in the Roman Republic and Roman Empire in violent confrontations with other gladiators, wild animals, and condemned criminals. Some gladiators were volunteers who risked their lives and their legal and social standing by appearing in the arena. Most were despised as slaves, schooled under harsh conditions, socially marginalized, and segregated even in death.
Irrespective of their origin, gladiators offered spectators an example of Rome's martial ethics and, in fighting or dying well, they could inspire admiration and popular acclaim. They were celebrated in high and low art, and their value as entertainers was commemorated in precious and commonplace objects throughout the Roman world.
The origin of gladiatorial combat is open to debate. There is evidence of it in funeral rites during the Punic Wars of the 3rd century BC, and thereafter it rapidly became an essential feature of politics and social life in the Roman world. Its popularity led to its use in ever more lavish and costly games.
The gladiator games lasted for nearly a thousand years, reaching their peak between the 1st century BC and the 2nd century AD. The games finally declined during the early 5th century after the adoption of Christianity as state church of the Roman Empire in 380, although beast hunts (venationes) continued into the 6th century.
Early literary sources seldom agree on the origins of gladiators and the gladiator games. In the late 1st century BC, Nicolaus of Damascus believed they were Etruscan. A generation later, Livy wrote that they were first held in 310 BC by the Campanians in celebration of their victory over the Samnites. Long after the games had ceased, the 7th century AD writer Isidore of Seville derived Latin lanista (manager of gladiators) from the Etruscan word for "executioner," and the title of Charon (an official who accompanied the dead from the Roman gladiatorial arena) from Charun, psychopomp of the Etruscan underworld. Roman historians emphasized the gladiator games as a foreign import, most likely Etruscan. This preference informed most standard histories of the Roman games in the early modern era.
Reappraisal of the evidence supports a Campanian origin, or at least a borrowing, for the games and gladiators. The earliest known Roman gladiator schools (ludi) were in Campania. Tomb frescoes from Paestum (4th century BC) show paired fighters, with helmets, spears and shields, in a propitiatory funeral blood-rite that anticipates early Roman gladiator games. Compared to these images, supporting evidence from Etruscan tomb-paintings is tentative and late. The Paestum frescoes may represent the continuation of a much older tradition, acquired or inherited from Greek colonists of the 8th century BC.
Livy dates the earliest Roman gladiator games to 264 BC, in the early stages of Rome's First Punic War against Carthage. Decimus Iunius Brutus Scaeva had three gladiator pairs fight to the death in Rome's "cattle market" Forum (Forum Boarium) to honor his dead father, Brutus Pera. This is described as a munus (plural: munera), a commemorative duty owed the manes of a dead ancestor by his descendants. The gladiator type used (according to a single, later source), was Thracian, but the development of the munus and its gladiator types was most strongly influenced by Samnium's support for Hannibal and subsequent punitive expeditions by Rome and her Campanian allies; the earliest and most frequently mentioned type was the Samnite.
Livy's account skirts the funereal, sacrificial function of early Roman gladiator combats and underlines the later theatrical ethos of the gladiator show: splendidly, exotically armed and armoured barbarians, treacherous and degenerate, are dominated by Roman iron and native courage. His plain Romans virtuously dedicate the magnificent spoils of war to the Gods. Their Campanian allies stage a dinner entertainment using gladiators who may not be Samnites, but play the Samnite role. Other groups and tribes would join the cast list as Roman territories expanded. Most gladiators were armed and armoured in the manner of the enemies of Rome. The munus became a morally instructive form of historic enactment in which the only honourable option for the gladiator was to fight well, or else die well.
In 216 BC, Marcus Aemilius Lepidus, late consul and augur, was honoured by his sons with three days of gladiatora munera in the Forum Romanum, using twenty-two pairs of gladiators. Ten years later, Scipio Africanus gave a commemorative munus in Iberia for his father and uncle, casualties in the Punic Wars. High status non-Romans, and possibly Romans too, volunteered as his gladiators. The context of the Punic Wars and Rome's near-disastrous defeat at the Battle of Cannae (216 BC) link these early games to munificence, the celebration of military victory and the religious expiation of military disaster; these munera appear to serve a morale-raising agenda in an era of military threat and expansion. The next recorded munus, held for the funeral of Publius Licinius in 183 BC, was more extravagant. It involved three days of funeral games, 120 gladiators, and public distribution of meat (visceratio data) – a practice that reflected the gladiatorial fights at Campanian banquets described by Livy and later deplored by Silius Italicus.
Many gladiatorial games were given in that year, some unimportant, one noteworthy beyond the rest — that of Titus Flamininus which he gave to commemorate the death of his father, which lasted four days, and was accompanied by a public distribution of meats, a banquet, and scenic performances. The climax of the show which was big for the time was that in three days seventy four gladiators fought.
In 105 BC, the ruling consuls offered Rome its first taste of state-sponsored "barbarian combat" demonstrated by gladiators from Capua, as part of a training program for the military. It proved immensely popular. The ludi (state games), sponsored by the ruling elite and dedicated to a deity such as Jupiter, a divine or heroic ancestor (and later, during the Imperium, the well-being and numen of the emperor), began to include the gladiator contests formerly restricted to private munera.
By the closing years of the politically and socially unstable Late Republic, gladiator games provided their sponsors with extravagantly expensive but effective opportunities for self-promotion while offering cheap, exciting entertainment to their clients. Gladiators became big business for trainers and owners, for politicians on the make and those who had reached the top. A politically ambitious privatus (private citizen) might postpone his deceased father's munus to the election season, when a generous show might drum up votes; those in power and those seeking it needed the support of the plebeians and their tribunes, whose votes might be won with an exceptionally spectacular show, sometimes even the mere promise of one. Sulla, during his term as praetor, showed his usual acumen in breaking his own sumptuary laws to give the most lavish munus yet seen in Rome, on occasion of his wife's funeral.
Ownership of gladiators or a gladiator school gave muscle and flair to Roman politics. In 65 BC, newly elected curule aedile Julius Caesar topped Sulla's display with games he justified as munus to his father, who had died twenty years before. Despite an already enormous personal debt, he used three hundred and twenty gladiator pairs in silvered armour. He had wanted more but the nervous Senate, mindful of the recent Spartacus revolt, fearful of Caesar's burgeoning private armies and even more fearful of his overwhelming popularity, imposed a limit of 320 pairs as the maximum number of gladiators a citizen could keep in Rome. Caesar's showmanship was unprecedented not only in scale and expense but in putting aside a Republican tradition of munera as funeral offerings. The practical differences between ludi and munera were beginning to blur.
Gladiatorial games, usually linked with beast shows, spread throughout the Republic and beyond. Anti-corruption laws of 65 and 63 BC attempted but signally failed to curb their political usefulness to sponsors. Following Caesar's assassination and the Roman Civil War, Augustus assumed Imperial authority over the games, including munera, and formalised their provision as a civic and religious duty. His revision of sumptuary law capped private and public expenditure on munera, claiming to save the Roman elite from the bankruptcies they would otherwise suffer, and restricted their performance to the festivals of Saturnalia and Quinquatria. Henceforth, the ceiling cost for a praetor's "economical" official munus employing a maximum 120 gladiators was to be 25,000 denarii; a "generous" Imperial ludi might cost no less than 180,000 denarii. Throughout the Empire, the greatest and most celebrated games would now be identified with the state-sponsored Imperial cult, which furthered public recognition, respect and approval for the Emperor, his law, and his agents. Between 108 and 109 AD, Trajan celebrated his Dacian victories using a reported 10,000 gladiators (and 11,000 animals) over 123 days. The cost of gladiators and munera continued to spiral out of control. Legislation of 177 AD by Marcus Aurelius did little to stop it, and was completely ignored by his son, Commodus.
In times in which peace and peace relating to domestic affairs prevail bloody demonstrations displease us. Therefore, we order that there may be no more gladiator combats. Those who were condemned to become gladiators for their crimes are to work from now on in the mines. Thus they pay for their crimes without having to pour their blood.
An imperially sanctioned munus at some time in the 330s suggests that yet again, imperial legislation to curb the games proved ineffective, not least when Constantine defied his own law. In 365, Valentinian I (r. 364–375) threatened to fine a judge who sentenced Christians to the arena and in 384 he attempted, like most of his predecessors, to limit the expenses of munera.
In 393, Theodosius (r. 379–395) adopted Nicene Christianity as the state church of the Roman Empire and banned pagan festivals. The ludi continued, very gradually shorn of their stubbornly pagan munera. Honorius (r. 395–423) legally ended munera in 399, and again in 404, at least in the Western half of the Empire according to Theodoret, because of the martyrdom of Saint Telemachus by spectators at a munus. Valentinian III (r. 425–455) repeated the ban in 438, perhaps effectively, though venationes continued beyond 536. By this time, the popularity of munera had waned, unlike the theatrical shows, and the chariot races which, at least in the Eastern Empire, continued to attract the crowds, and a generous Imperial subsidy.
It is not known how many gladiatoria munera were given throughout the Roman period. Many, if not most, involved venationes, and in the later Empire some may have been only that. In the early Imperial era, the attested munera given by local politicians in Pompeii and neighbouring towns were dispersed from March to November. They included a provincial magnate's five-day munus of thirty pairs, plus beast-hunts. One single late primary source, the Calendar of Furius Dionysius Philocalus for 354, survives to suggest how the gladiator featured among a multitude of official festivals in the Late Empire period. In that year, 176 days were reserved for spectacles of various kinds. Of these, 102 days were for theatrical shows, 64 for chariot races and just 10 in December for gladiator games and venationes. Thomas Wiedemann interprets this in the much earlier context of the Historia Augusta, in which Alexander Severus (r. 222–235) was said to intend the redistribution of munera throughout the year. This would have broken with the traditional positioning of the major gladiator games at the year's end: as Wiedemann points out, December was the month for Saturnalia, the festival in which the lowest became the highest, and in which death was linked to renewal.
The trade in gladiators was Empire-wide, and subjected to official supervision. Rome's military success produced a supply of soldier-prisoners who were redistributed for use in State mines or amphitheatres and for sale on the open market. For example, in the aftermath of the Jewish Revolt, the gladiator schools received an influx of Jews – those rejected for training would have been sent straight to the arenas as noxii (lit. "hurtful ones"). The best – the most robust – were sent to Rome. In Rome's military ethos, enemy soldiers who had surrendered or allowed their own capture and enslavement had been granted an unmerited gift of life. Their training as gladiators would give them opportunity to redeem their honour in the munus.
Two other sources of gladiators, found increasingly during the Principate and the relatively low military activity of the Pax Romana, were slaves condemned to the arena, to gladiator schools or games (ad ludum gladiatorium) as punishment for crimes, and paid volunteers (auctorati) who by the late Republic may have comprised approximately half – and possibly the most capable half – of all gladiators. The use of volunteers had a precedent in the Iberian munus of Scipio Africanus; but none of those had been paid. For Romans, "gladiator" would have meant a schooled fighter, sworn and contracted to a master.
For the poor, and for non-citizens, enrollment in a gladiator school offered a trade, regular food, housing of sorts and a fighting chance of fame and fortune. Gladiators customarily kept their prize money and any gifts they received, and these could be substantial. Tiberius offered several retired gladiators 100,000 sesterces ($500,000) each to return to the arena. Nero gave the gladiator Spiculus property and residence "equal to those of men who had celebrated triumphs." Mark Antony promoted gladiators to his personal guard.
From the 60s AD female gladiators appear, as "exotic markers of exceptionally lavish spectacle". In 66 AD, Nero had Ethiopian women, men and children fight at a munus to impress King Tiridates I of Armenia. Romans seem to have found the idea of a female gladiator novel and entertaining, or downright absurd; Juvenal titillates his readers with a woman named "Mevia", hunting boars in the arena "with spear in hand and breasts exposed", and Petronius mocks the pretensions of a rich, low-class citizen, whose munus includes a woman fighting from a cart or chariot. A munus of 89 AD, during Domitian's reign, featured a battle between female gladiators, described as "Amazons". In Halicarnassus, a 2nd-century AD relief depicts two female combatants named "Amazon" and "Achillia"; their match ended in a draw. In the same century, an epigraph praises one of Ostia's local elite as the first to "arm women" in the history of its games. Female gladiators probably submitted to the same regulations and training as their male counterparts. Roman morality required that all gladiators be of the lowest social classes, and emperors who failed to respect this distinction earned the scorn of posterity; Cassius Dio takes pains to point out that when the much admired emperor Titus used female gladiators, they were of acceptably low class.
Some regarded female gladiators as a symptom of corrupted Roman sensibilities, morals and womanhood, regardless of class. Before he became emperor, Septimius Severus may have attended the Antiochene Olympic Games, which had been revived by the emperor Commodus and included traditional Greek female athletics. His attempt to give Rome a similarly dignified display of female athletics was met by the crowd with ribald chants and cat-calls. Probably as a result, he banned the use of female gladiators in 200 AD.
Caligula, Titus, Hadrian, Lucius Verus, Caracalla, Geta and Didius Julianus were all said to have performed in the arena (either in public or private) but risks to themselves were minimal. Claudius, characterised by his historians as morbidly cruel and boorish, fought a whale trapped in the harbor in front of a group of spectators. Commentators invariably disapproved of such performances.
Commodus was a fanatical participant at the ludi, much to the shame of the Senate, whom he loathed, and the probable delight of the populace at large. He fought as a secutor, styling himself "Hercules Reborn". As a bestiarius, he was said to have killed 100 lions in one day, almost certainly from a platform set up around the arena perimeter which allowed him to safely demonstrate his marksmanship. On another occasion, he decapitated a running ostrich with a specially designed dart, carried the bloodied head and his sword over to the Senatorial seats and gesticulated as though they were next. He was said to have restyled Nero's colossal statue in his own image as "Hercules Reborn" and re-dedicated it to himself with the inscription; "Champion of secutores; only left-handed fighter to conquer twelve times one thousand men." For this, he drew a gigantic stipend from the public purse.
The earliest munera took place at or near the tomb of the deceased and these were organised by their munerator (who made the offering). Later games were held by an editor, either identical with the munerator or an official employed by him. As time passed, these titles and meanings may have merged. In the Republican era, private citizens could own and train gladiators, or lease them from a lanista (owner of a gladiator training school). From the Principate onwards, private citizens could hold munera and own gladiators only under Imperial permission, and the role of editor was increasingly tied to state officialdom.
Legislation by Claudius required that quaestors, the lowest rank of Roman magistrate, personally subsidise two-thirds of the costs of games for their small-town communities – in effect, both an advertisement of their personal generosity and a part-purchase of their office. Bigger games were put on by senior magistrates, who could better afford them. The largest and most lavish of all were paid for by the emperor himself. An outline of these later games can be conjectured, using written histories, contemporary accounts, statuary, ephemera, memorabilia and stylised pictographic evidence. Almost all the evidence comes from the Late Republic and Empire, and much of it from Pompeii.
Games were advertised beforehand on conspicuously placed billboards, giving the reason for the game, its editor, venue, date and the number of paired gladiators (ordinarii) to be used. Other highlighted features could include details of venationes, executions, music and any luxuries to be provided for the spectators, including a decorated awning against the sun, and water sprinklers. Food, drink, sweets and occasionally "door prizes" could be offered. For enthusiasts, a more detailed program (libellus) was prepared for the day of the munus, showing the names, types and match records of gladiator pairs (of interest to gamblers) and their order of appearance. Copies of the libellus were distributed among the crowd on the day of the match. Left-handed gladiators were advertised as an interesting rarity; they were trained to fight right-handers, which gave them advantage over most opponents and produced an interestingly unorthodox combination.
The night before the munus, the gladiators were given a banquet and opportunity to order their personal and private affairs; Futrell notes its similarity to a ritualistic "last meal". These were probably both family and public events which included even the noxii and damnati and they may have been used to drum up more publicity for the coming match.
From Augustus's time, official munera seem to have followed a standard sequence. A procession (pompa) entered the arena led by lictors bearing fasces that signified the magistrate-editor's power over life and death. They were followed by a small band of trumpeters (tubicines) playing a fanfare. Images of the gods were carried in to "witness" the proceedings, followed by a scribe (to record the outcome) and a man carrying the palm branch used to honour victors. The magistrate editor entered among a retinue who carried the arms and armour to be used; more musicians followed, then horses. The gladiators presumably came in last.
These official games usually began with venationes (beast hunts) and bestiarii (beast fighting) gladiators. Sometimes beasts were unharmed and simply exhibited. Next came the ludi meridiani, of variable content but usually involving executions of noxii (sometimes as "mythological" re-enactments) or others condemned (damnati) to the arena. Gladiators may have been involved in these though the crowd, and the gladiators themselves, preferred the "dignity" of an even contest. There were also comedy fights; some may have been lethal. A crude Pompeian graffito suggests a burlesque of musicians, dressed as animals named Ursus tibicen (flute-playing bear) and Pullus cornicen (horn-blowing chicken), perhaps as accompaniment to clowning by paegniarii during a "mock" contest of the ludi meridiani.
Before the listed contests were fought, the gladiators may have held informal warm-up matches, using blunted or dummy weapons – some munera, however, may have used blunted weapons throughout. The editor, his representative or an honoured guest would check the weapons (probatio armorum) for the scheduled matches. These were the highlight of the day, and were as inventive, varied and novel as the editor could afford. Armatures could be very costly – some were flamboyantly decorated with exotic feathers, jewels and precious metals. Increasingly the munus was the editor's gift to spectators who had come to expect the best as their due. In late Republican munera, between 10 and 13 pairs could have fought on one day; this assumes one match at a time in the course of an afternoon. Fights were interspersed or accompanied by music, perhaps intended to accentuate or follow the action. Music may have heightened the suspense during a gladiator's appeal; blows may have been accompanied by trumpet-blasts. The gravestones of several musicians and gladiators mention such modulations. The Zliten mosaic in Libya (circa 80–100 AD) shows musicians playing an accompaniment to provincial games (with gladiators, bestiarii, or venatores and prisoners attacked by beasts). Their instruments are a long straight trumpet (tubicen), a large curved horn (Cornu) and a water organ (hydraulis). Similar representations (musicians, gladiators and bestiari) are found on a tomb relief in Pompeii.
In the earliest munera, death was considered the proper outcome of combat. During the Imperial era, matches were sometimes advertised sine missione (without remission from the sentence of death), which suggests that missio (the sparing of a defeated gladiator's life) had become a common practice at the games. The contract between editor and lanista could include compensation for unexpected deaths. As the demand for gladiators began to exceed supply, matches sine missione were officially banned, a pragmatic Augustan decision that also happened to reflect popular demands for "natural justice". Refusals by Caligula and Claudius to spare popular but defeated fighters did nothing to boost their own popularity. In most circumstances, a gladiator who fought well was likely to be spared.
Among the cognoscenti, bravado and skill in combat were esteemed over mere bloodshed; some gladiators made their careers and reputation from bloodless victories. Suetonius describes an exceptional munus by Nero, in which no-one was killed, "not even noxii (enemies of the state)."
By common custom, the spectators decided whether or not a losing gladiator should be spared, and chose the winner in the rare event of a "standing tie". Most matches employed a senior referee (summa rudis) and an assistant, shown in mosaics with long staffs (rudes) to caution or separate opponents at some crucial point in the match. A gladiator's self-acknowledged defeat, signaled by a raised finger (ad digitum), told the referee to stop the combat and refer to the editor, whose decision would usually rest on the crowd's mood. During the match, referees exercised judgement and discretion; they could stop bouts entirely, or pause them to allow combatants rest, refreshment and a "rub-down".
Most gladiators fought at two or three munera annually. An unknown number died in their first match and a few fought in up to 150 combats. At a Pompeian match between chariot-fighters, Publius Ostorius, with previous 51 wins to his credit, was granted missio after losing to Scylax, with 26 victories. A single bout probably lasted between 10–15 minutes, or 20 minutes at most; Spectators preferred well matched ordinarii with complementary fighting styles but other combinations are found, such as several gladiators fighting together or the serial replacement of a match loser by a new gladiator, who would fight the winner.
Victors received the palm branch and an award from the editor. An outstanding fighter might receive a laurel crown and money from an appreciative crowd but for anyone originally condemned ad ludum the greatest reward was manumission (i.e., emancipation), symbolised by the gift of a wooden training sword or staff (rudis) from the editor. Martial describes a match between Priscus and Verus, who fought so evenly and bravely for so long that when both acknowledged defeat at the same instant, Titus awarded victory and a rudis to each. Flamma was awarded the rudis four times, but chose to remain a gladiator. His gravestone in Sicily includes his record: "Flamma, secutor, lived 30 years, fought 34 times, won 21 times, fought to a draw 9 times, defeated 4 times, a Syrian by nationality. Delicatus made this for his deserving comrade-in-arms."
Popular factions supported favourite gladiators and gladiator types. Under Augustan legislation, the Samnite type was renamed secutor (equipped with an oblong or "large" shield called a scutum), whose supporters were secutarii. As the games evolved, any lightly armed, defensive fighter could be included in this group. The heavily armoured and armed Thracian types (Thraex) and Murmillo, who fought with smaller shields called a parma, were parmularii (small shield), as were their supporters. Trajan preferred the parmularii and Domitian the secutarii; Marcus Aurelius took neither side. Nero seems to have enjoyed the brawls between rowdy, enthusiastic and sometimes violent factions, but called in the troops if they went too far.
Once a band of five retiarii in tunics, matched against the same number of secutores, yielded without a struggle; but when their death was ordered, one of them caught up his trident and slew all the victors. Caligula bewailed this in a public proclamation as a most cruel murder.
There were also local rivalries. At Pompeii's amphitheatre, trading of insults between Pompeians and Nucerian spectators during public ludi led to stone throwing and riot. Many were killed or wounded. Nero banned gladiator munera (though not the games) at Pompeii for ten years as punishment. The story is told in graffiti and high quality wall painting, with much boasting of Pompeii's "victory" over Nuceria.
The earliest named gladiator school (singular: ludus; plural: ludi) is that of Aurelius Scaurus at Capua – he was lanista of the gladiators employed by the state circa 105 BC to instruct the legions and simultaneously entertain the public. Few other lanistae are known by name: they were head of their familia gladiatoria, with legal power over life and death of every family member, including servi poenae, auctorati and ancillaries but socially they were infames, on a footing with pimps and butchers and despised as price gougers. No such stigma was attached to a gladiator owner (munerarius or editor) of good family, high status and independent means; Cicero congratulated his friend Atticus on buying a splendid troop – if he rented them out, he might recover their entire cost after two performances.
The Spartacus revolt had originated in a gladiator school privately owned by Lentulus Batiatus, and had been suppressed only after a protracted series of costly, sometimes disastrous campaigns by regular Roman troops. In the late Republican era, a fear of similar uprisings, the usefulness of gladiator schools in creating private armies, and the exploitation of munera for political gain led to increased restrictions on gladiator school ownership, siting and organisation. By Domitian's time, many had been more or less absorbed by the State, including those at Pergamum, Alexandria, Praeneste and Capua. The city of Rome itself had four; the Ludus Magnus (the largest and most important, housing up to about 2,000 gladiators), Ludus Dacicus, Ludus Gallicus, and the Ludus Matutinus, which trained bestiarii.
In the Imperial era, volunteers required a magistrate's permission to join a school as auctorati. If this was granted, the school's physician assessed their suitability. Their contract (auctoramentum) stipulated how often they were to perform, their fighting style and earnings. A condemned bankrupt or debtor accepted as novice (novicius) could negotiate with his lanista or editor for the partial or complete payment of his debt. Faced with runaway re-enlistment fees for skilled auctorati, Marcus Aurelius set their upper limit at 12,000 sesterces.
All prospective gladiators, whether volunteer or condemned, were bound to service by a sacred oath (sacramentum). Novices (novicii) trained under teachers of particular fighting styles, probably retired gladiators. They could ascend through a hierarchy of grades (singular: palus) in which primus palus was the highest. Lethal weapons were prohibited in the schools – weighted, blunt wooden versions were probably used. Fighting styles were probably learned through constant rehearsal as choreographed "numbers". An elegant, economical style was preferred. Training included preparation for a stoical, unflinching death. Successful training required intense commitment.
Those condemned ad ludum were probably branded or marked with a tattoo (stigma, plural stigmata) on the face, legs and/or hands. These stigmata may have been text – fugitive slaves were marked thus on the forehead until Constantine banned the use of facial stigmata in 325 AD. Soldiers were marked on the hand.
Gladiators were typically accommodated in cells, arranged in barrack formation around a central practice arena. Juvenal describes the segregation of gladiators according to type and status, suggestive of rigid hierarchies within the schools: "even the lowest scum of the arena observe this rule; even in prison they're separate". Retiarii were kept away from damnati, and "fag targeteers" from "armoured heavies". As most ordinarii at games were from the same school, this kept potential opponents separate and safe from each other until the lawful munus. Discipline could be extreme, even lethal. Remains of a Pompeian ludus site attest to developments in supply, demand and discipline; in its earliest phase, the building could accommodate 15–20 gladiators. Its replacement could have housed about 100 and included a very small cell, probably for lesser punishments and so low that standing was impossible.
Despite the harsh discipline, gladiators represented a substantial investment for their lanista and were otherwise well fed and cared for. Their daily, high-energy, vegetarian diet consisted of barley, boiled beans, oatmeal, ash (believed to help fortify the body) and dried fruit. Compared to modern athletes, they were probably overweight, but this may have "protected their vital organs from the cutting blows of their opponents". The same research suggests they may have fought barefoot.
Regular massage and high quality medical care helped mitigate an otherwise very severe training regimen. Part of Galen's medical training was at a gladiator school in Pergamum where he saw (and would later criticise) the training, diet, and long term health prospects of the gladiators.
"He vows to endure to be burned, to be bound, to be beaten, and to be killed by the sword." The gladiator's oath as cited by Petronius (Satyricon, 117).
Modern customs and institutions offer few useful parallels to the legal and social context of the gladiatoria munera In Roman law, anyone condemned to the arena or the gladiator schools (damnati ad ludum) was a servus poenae (slave of the penalty), and was considered to be under sentence of death unless manumitted. A rescript of Hadrian reminded magistrates that "those sentenced to the sword" should be despatched immediately "or at least within the year". Those sentenced to the ludi should not be discharged before five years or three years if awarded manumission. On the one hand, only slaves found guilty of specific offences could be sentenced to the arena, and citizens were legally exempt from this sentence. On the other hand, citizens found guilty of particular offenses could be stripped of citizenship, formally enslaved and sentenced as slaves; and freedmen or freedwomen offenders could be legally reverted to slavery. Arena punishment could be meted for banditry, theft and arson, or treasonous acts such as rebellion, census evasion to avoid paying due taxes and refusal to swear lawful oaths.
Offenders seen as particularly obnoxious to the state (noxii) received the most humiliating punishments. By the 1st century BC, noxii were being condemned to the beasts (damnati ad bestias) in the arena, with almost no chance of survival, or were made to kill each other. From the early Imperial era, some were forced to participate in humiliating and novel forms of mythological or historical enactment, culminating in their execution.
Those judged less harshly might be condemned ad ludum venatorium or ad gladiatorium – combat with animals or gladiators – and armed as thought appropriate. These damnati at least might put on a good show and retrieve some respect. They might even – and occasionally did – survive to fight another day. Some may even have become "proper" gladiators.
The phenomenon of the "volunteer" gladiator is more problematic. All contracted volunteers, including those of equestrian and senatorial class, were legally enslaved by their auctoratio because it involved their potentially lethal submission to a master. Nor does the citizen or free volunteer's "professional" status translate into modern terms. All arenarii (those who appeared in the arena) were "infames by reputation", a form of social dishonour which excluded them from most of the advantages and rights of citizenship. Payment for such appearances compounded their infamia. The legal and social status of even the most popular and wealthy auctorati was thus marginal at best. They could not vote, plead in court nor leave a will; unless they were manumitted, their lives and property belonged to their masters. Nevertheless, there is evidence of informal if not entirely lawful practices to the contrary. Some "unfree" gladiators bequeathed money and personal property to wives and children, possibly via a sympathetic owner or familia; some had their own slaves and gave them their freedom. One gladiator was even granted "citizenship" to several Greek cities of the Eastern Roman world.
Among the most admired and skilled auctorati were those who, having been granted manumission, volunteered to fight in the arena. Some of these highly trained and experienced specialists may have had no other practical choice open to them. Their legal status — slave or free — is uncertain. Under Roman law, a former gladiator could not "offer such services [as those of a gladiator] after manumission, because they cannot be performed without endangering [his] life."
Caesar's munus of 46 BC included at least one equestrian, son of a Praetor, and possibly two senatorial volunteers. Under Augustus, senators and equestrians and their descendants were formally excluded from the infamia of association with the arena and its personnel (arenarii). However, some magistrates – and some later Emperors – tacitly or openly condoned such transgressions and some volunteers were prepared to embrace the resulting loss of status. Some did so for payment, some for military glory and, in one recorded case, for personal honour. In 11 AD, Augustus, who enjoyed the games, bent his own rules and allowed equestrians to volunteer because "the prohibition was no use". Under Tiberius, the Larinum decree (19AD) reiterated the laws which Augustus himself had waived. Thereafter, Caligula flouted them and Claudius strengthened them. Nero and Commodus ignored them. Valentinian II, some hundreds of years later, protested against the same infractions and repeated similar laws: his was an officially Christian empire.
One very notable social renegade was an aristocratic descendant of the Gracchi, infamous for his marriage (as a bride) to a male horn player. He made a voluntary and "shameless" arena appearance not only as a lowly retiarius tunicatus but in woman's attire and a conical hat adorned with gold ribbon. In Juvenal's account, he seems to have relished the scandalous self-display, applause and the disgrace he inflicted on his more sturdy opponent by repeatedly skipping away from the confrontation.
A show of gladiators was to be exhibited before the people in the market-place, and most of the magistrates erected scaffolds round about, with an intention of letting them for advantage. Caius commanded them to take down their scaffolds, that the poor people might see the sport without paying anything. But nobody obeying these orders of his, he gathered together a body of labourers, who worked for him, and overthrew all the scaffolds the very night before the contest was to take place. So that by the next morning the market-place was cleared, and the common people had an opportunity of seeing the pastime. In this, the populace thought he had acted the part of a man; but he much disobliged the tribunes his colleagues, who regarded it as a piece of violent and presumptuous interference.
Towards the end of the Republic, Cicero (Murena, 72–3) still describes gladiator shows as ticketed — their political usefulness was served by inviting the rural tribunes of the plebs, not the people of Rome en masse – but in Imperial times, poor citizens in receipt of the corn dole were allocated at least some free seating, possibly by lottery. Others had to pay. Ticket scalpers (Locarii) sometimes sold or let out seats at inflated prices. Martial wrote that "Hermes [a gladiator who always drew the crowds] means riches for the ticket scalpers".
The earliest known Roman amphitheatre was built at Pompeii by Sullan colonists, around 70 BC. The first in the city of Rome was the extraordinary wooden amphitheatre of Gaius Scribonius Curio (built in 53 BC). The first part-stone amphitheatre in Rome inaugurated in 29–30 BC, in time for the triple triumph of Octavian (later Augustus). Shortly after it burned down in 64 AD, Vespasian began its replacement, later known as the Amphitheatrum Flavium (Colosseum), which seated 50,000 spectators and would remain the largest in the Empire. It was inaugurated by Titus in 80 AD the personal gift of the Emperor to the people of Rome, paid for by the Imperial share of booty after the Jewish Revolt.
In consequence of this the senate decreed that, whenever any public show was given anywhere, the first row of seats should be reserved for senators; and at Rome he would not allow the envoys of the free and allied nations to sit in the orchestra, since he was informed that even freedmen were sometimes appointed. He separated the soldiery from the people. He assigned special seats to the married men of the commons, to boys under age their own section and the adjoining one to their preceptors; and he decreed that no one wearing a dark cloak should sit in the middle of the house. He would not allow women to view even the gladiators except from the upper seats, though it had been the custom for men and women to sit together at such shows. Only the Vestal virgins were assigned a place to themselves, opposite the praetor's tribunal.
These arrangements do not seem to have been strongly enforced.
Some mosaics show defeated gladiators kneeling in preparation for the moment of death. Seneca's "vital spot" seems to have meant the neck. Gladiator remains from Ephesus confirm this.
The body of a gladiator who had died well was placed on a couch of Libitina and removed from the arena with dignity. Once in the arena morgue, the corpse would have been stripped of armour, and probably had its throat cut to prove that dead was dead. The Christian author Tertullian, commenting on ludi meridiani in Roman Carthage during the peak era of the games, describes a more humiliating method of removal. One arena official, dressed as the "brother of Jove", Dis Pater (god of the underworld) strikes the corpse with a mallet. Another, dressed as Mercury, tests for life-signs with a heated "wand"; once confirmed as dead, the body is dragged from the arena. Whether these victims were gladiators or noxii is unknown. Modern pathological examination confirms the probably fatal use of a mallet on some, but not all the gladiator skulls found in a gladiators' cemetery. Kyle (1998) proposes that gladiators who disgraced themselves might have been subjected to the same indignities as noxii, denied the relative mercies of a quick death and dragged from the arena as carrion. Whether the corpse of such a gladiator could be redeemed from further ignominy by friends or familia is not known.
The average gladiator lifespan was short; few survived more than 10 matches or lived past the age of 30. One (Felix) is known to have lived to 45 and one retired gladiator lived to 90. George Ville calculated an average age at death at 27 for gladiators (based on headstone evidence), with mortality "among all who entered the arena" around the 1st century AD at 19/100. A rise in the risk of death for losers, from 1/5 to 1/4 between the early and later Imperial periods, seems to suggest missio was granted less often. Marcus Junkelmann disputes Ville's calculation for average age at death; the majority would have received no headstone, and would have died early in their careers, at 18–25 years of age. Historians Keith Hopkins and Mary Beard tentatively estimate a total of 400 arenas throughout the Roman Empire at its greatest extent, with a combined total of 8,000 deaths per annum from all causes, including execution, combat and accident.
Death and disposal therefore perpetuated the divisions and judgements of society. In the pre-Christian era, the highest status funerals involved expensive, prolonged cremation ceremonies, sometimes complete with a munus offering. At the opposite extreme, the noxii (and possibly other damnati) could be thrown into rivers or dumped unburied. This extended their damnatio beyond death into perpetual oblivion and their shade (manes) to restless wandering upon the earth as dreadful larvae or lemures. All others – citizens, slaves or free – were usually buried beyond the town or city limits to avoid the ritual and physical pollution of their community. Gladiators were segregated in separate cemeteries. Even for those whose death had brought honourable release, the taint of infamia was perpetual.
Memorials were a major expense, and testify only to those who prospered. Gladiators could subscribe to a union (collegia) which ensured proper burial, with compensation for wives and children. The gladiator's familia or one of its members (including lanistae, comrades, wives and children) sometimes paid.
"The familia set this up in memory of Saturnilos."
"For Nikepharos, son of Synetos, Lakedaimonian, and for Narcissus the secutor. Titus Flavius Satyrus set up this monument in his memory from his own money."
"For Hermes. Paitraeites with his cell-mates set this up in memory".
"I, Victor, left-handed, lie here, but my homeland was in Thessalonica. Doom killed me, not the liar Pinnas. No longer let him boast. I had a fellow gladiator, Polyneikes, who killed Pinnas and avenged me. Claudius Thallus set up this memorial from what I left behind as a legacy."
Rome was essentially a landowning military aristocracy. From the early days of the Republic, ten years of military service were a citizen's duty and a prerequisite for election to public office. Devotio (willingness to sacrifice one’s life to the greater good) was central to the Roman military ideal, and was the core of the Roman military oath. It applied from highest to lowest alike in the chain of command. As a soldier committed his life (voluntarily, at least in theory) to the greater cause of Rome's victory, he was not expected to survive defeat.
In obedience to the Books of Destiny, some strange and unusual sacrifices were made, human sacrifices amongst them. A Gaulish man and a Gaulish woman and a Greek man and a Greek woman were buried alive under the Forum Boarium ... They were lowered into a stone vault, which had on a previous occasion also been polluted by human victims, a practice most repulsive to Roman feelings. When the gods were believed to be duly propitiated ... Armour, weapons, and other things of the kind were ordered to be in readiness, and the ancient spoils gathered from the enemy were taken down from the temples and colonnades. The dearth of freemen necessitated a new kind of enlistment; 8,000 sturdy youths from amongst the slaves were armed at the public cost, after they had each been asked whether they were willing to serve or no. These soldiers were preferred, as there would be an opportunity of ransoming them when taken prisoners at a lower price.
...weapons training was given to soldiers by P. Rutilius, consul with C. Mallis. For he, following the example of no previous general, with teachers summoned from the gladiatorial training school of C. Aurelus Scaurus, implanted in the legions a more sophisticated method of avoiding and dealing a blow and mixed bravery with skill and skill back again with virtue so that skill became stronger by bravery's passion and passion became more wary with the knowledge of this art.
The military were great aficionados of the games, and supervised the schools. Many schools and amphitheatres were sited at or near military barracks, and some provincial army units owned gladiator troupes. As the Republic wore on, the term of military service increased from ten to the sixteen years formalised by Augustus in the Principate. It would rise to twenty, and later, to twenty five years. Roman military discipline was ferocious; severe enough to provoke mutiny, despite the consequences. A career as a volunteer gladiator may have seemed an attractive option for some.
In the Year of the Four Emperors, Otho's troops at Bedriacum included 2000 gladiators. Opposite him on the field, Vitellius's army was swollen by levies of slaves, plebs and gladiators. In 167 AD, troop depletions by plague and desertion may have prompted Marcus Aurelius to draft gladiators at his own expense. During the Civil Wars that led to the Principate, Octavian (later Augustus) acquired the personal gladiator troop of his erstwhile opponent, Mark Antony. They had served their late master with exemplary loyalty but thereafter, they disappear from the record.
Roman writing as a whole demonstrates a deep ambivalence towards the gladiatoria munera. Even the most complex and sophisticated munera of the Imperial era evoked the ancient, ancestral dii manes of the underworld and were framed by the protective, lawful rites of sacrificium. Their popularity made their co-option by the state inevitable; Cicero acknowledged their sponsorship as a political imperative. Despite the popular adulation of gladiators, they were set apart, despised; and despite Cicero's contempt for the mob, he shared their admiration: "Even when [gladiators] have been felled, let alone when they are standing and fighting, they never disgrace themselves. And suppose a gladiator has been brought to the ground, when do you ever see one twist his neck away after he has been ordered to extend it for the death blow?" His own death would later emulate this example. Yet, Cicero could also refer to his popularist opponent Clodius, publicly and scathingly, as a bustuarius – literally, a "funeral-man", implying that Clodius has shown the moral temperament of the lowest sort of gladiator. Such finer distinctions aside, "gladiator" could be (and was) used as an insult throughout the Roman period. Silius Italicus wrote, as the games approached their peak, that the degenerate Campanians had devised the very worst of precedents, which now threatened the moral fabric of Rome: "It was their custom to enliven their banquets with bloodshed and to combine with their feasting the horrid sight of armed men fighting; often the combatants fell dead above the very cups of the revelers, and the tables were stained with streams of blood. Thus demoralised was Capua." Death might be rightly meted out as punishment, or met with equanimity in peace or war as a gift of fate, but if it was inflicted as a form of secular entertainment, with no underlying moral or religious purpose, it could only pollute and demean those who witnessed it.
The munus itself could be interpreted as pious necessity, but its increasing luxury corroded Roman virtue, and created an un-Roman appetite for profligacy and self-indulgence. Caesar's 46 BC ludi were hardly justified as munus after a 20-year interval since his father's death, in which case they were mere entertainment for political gain, a waste of lives, and of money, better doled out to needy army veterans. Yet for Seneca, and for Marcus Aurelius – both professed Stoics – the degradation of gladiators in the munus highlighted their Stoic virtues: their unconditional obedience to their master and to fate, and equanimity in the face of death. Having "neither hope nor illusions", the gladiator could transcend his own debased nature, and disempower death itself by meeting it face to face. Courage, dignity, altruism and loyalty were morally redemptive; Lucian idealised this principle in his story of Sisinnes, who voluntarily fought as a gladiator, earned 10,000 drachmas and used it to buy freedom for his friend, Toxaris. Seneca had a lower opinion of the mob's un-Stoical appetite for ludi meridiani: "Man [is]...now slaughtered for jest and sport; and those whom it used to be unholy to train for the purpose of inflicting and enduring wounds are thrust forth exposed and defenceless."
What was the youthful charm that so fired Eppia? What hooked her? What did she see in him to make her put up with being called "the gladiator's moll"? Her poppet, her Sergius, was no chicken, with a dud arm that prompted hope of early retirement. Besides his face looked a proper mess, helmet-scarred, a great wart on his nose, an unpleasant discharge always trickling from one eye. But he was a gladiator. That word makes the whole breed seem handsome, and made her prefer him to her children and country, her sister, her husband. Steel is what they fall in love with.
Eppia – a senator's wife – and her Sergius eloped to Egypt, where he deserted her. Most gladiators would have aimed lower. Two wall graffiti in Pompeii describe Celadus the Thraex as "the sigh of the girls" and "the glory of the girls" – which may or may not have been Celadus' own wishful thinking.
On the one and the same account they glorify them and they degrade and diminish them; yes, further, they openly condemn them to disgrace and civil degradation; they keep them religiously excluded from council chamber, rostrum, senate, knighthood, and every other kind of office and a good many distinctions. The perversity of it! They love whom they lower; they despise whom they approve; the art they glorify, the artist they disgrace.
In this new Play, I attempted to follow the old custom of mine, of making a fresh trial; I brought it on again. In the first Act I pleased; when in the meantime a rumor spread that gladiators were about to be exhibited; the populace flock together, make a tumult, clamor aloud, and fight for their places: meantime, I was unable to maintain my place.
Images of gladiators could be found throughout the Republic and Empire, among all classes. Walls in the 2nd century BC "Italian Agora" at Delos were decorated with paintings of gladiators. Mosaics dating from the 2nd through 4th centuries AD have been invaluable in the reconstruction of combat and its rules, gladiator types and the development of the munus. Throughout the Roman world, ceramics, lamps, gems and jewellery, mosaics, reliefs, wall paintings and statuary offer evidence, sometimes the best evidence, of the clothing, props, equipment, names, events, prevalence and rules of gladiatorial combat. Earlier periods provide only occasional, perhaps exceptional examples. The Gladiator Mosaic in the Galleria Borghese displays several gladiator types, and the Bignor Roman Villa mosaic from Provincial Britain shows Cupids as gladiators. Souvenir ceramics were produced depicting named gladiators in combat; similar images of higher quality, were available on more expensive articles in high quality ceramic, glass or silver.
When a freedman of Nero was giving a gladiatorial show at Antium, the public porticoes were covered with paintings, so we are told, containing life-like portraits of all the gladiators and assistants. This portraiture of gladiators has been the highest interest in art for many centuries now, but it was Gaius Terentius who began the practice of having pictures made of gladiatorial shows and exhibited in public; in honour of his grandfather who had adopted him he provided thirty pairs of Gladiators in the Forum for three consecutive days, and exhibited a picture of the matches in the Grove of Diana.
Some Roman reenactors attempt to recreate Roman gladiator troupes. Some of these groups are part of larger Roman reenactment groups, and others are wholly independent, though they might participate in larger demonstrations of Roman reenacting or historical reenacting in general. These groups usually focus on portraying mock gladiatorial combat in as accurate a manner as possible.
Gladiator fights have been depicted in a number of peplum films (also known as "sword-and-sandal" movies). This is a genre of largely Italian-made historical epics (costume dramas) that dominated the Italian film industry from 1958 to 1965. They can be immediately differentiated from the competing Hollywood product by their use of dubbing. The pepla attempted to emulate the big-budget Hollywood historical epics of the time, such as Spartacus. Inspired by the success of Spartacus, there were a number of Italian peplums that emphasized the gladiatorial arena fights in their plots, with it becoming almost a peplum subgenre in itself; One group of supermen known as "The Ten Gladiators" appeared in a trilogy, all three films starring Dan Vadis in the lead role.
The Arena (also known as the Naked Warriors) is a 1974 gladiator exploitation film, starring Margaret Markov and Pam Grier, and directed by Steve Carver and an uncredited Joe D'Amato. Grier and Markov portray female gladiators in ancient Rome, who have been enslaved and must fight for their freedom. Gladiator is a 2000 British-American epic historical drama film directed by Ridley Scott, and starring Russell Crowe and Joaquin Phoenix. Crowe portrays a fictional Roman general who is reduced to slavery and then rises through the ranks of the gladiatorial arena to avenge the murder of his family. Amazons and Gladiators is a 2001 drama action adventure film directed and written by Zachary Weintraub starring Patrick Bergin and Jennifer Rubin. Cyclops is a 2008 television monster film about the mythological cyclops, the last survivor of his species. After fighting the Roman Army, he ends up captured and enslaved as a gladiator/beast in Emperor Tiberius' Circus Maximus, and used for gladiator combats. American actor Eric Roberts plays Emperor Tiberius.


PROBLEM TO BE SOLVED: To provide credit risk analyzing system/method for globally analyzing a credit risk from an individual and smaller enterprises to large enterprises, facilitating analysis by a user and coping with the credit risks peculiar to individual countries and individual industries.
SOLUTION: The credit risk analyzing system/method are provided with an information processor 1 outputting a default risk to finance data from a client 4 by using the same credit risk index based on the risk analysis models of the individuals, the smaller enterprises and the large enterprises of respective countries, which are generated by statistically analyzing information on the credit risks of the respective countries.
【発明の属する技術分野】本発明は、信用リスクを分析するシステム及び方法に係り、特に個人から大企業までの信用リスクを世界的に統一された基準で分析する信用リスク分析システム及び信用リスク分析方法に関する。 The present invention relates to relates to a system and method for analyzing credit risk, in particular credit risk analysis system and credit risk analysis to analyze the credit risk to large companies worldwide common standards from individuals a method for.
【従来の技術】個別企業における債券格付けは広く知られている。 BACKGROUND OF THE INVENTION are well known debt rating in the individual companies. また、財務データが公表されている大企業については、その財務データに基づいて大企業の信用リスクが分析されている。 As for large enterprises financial data has been published, it is analyzed credit risk large companies on the basis of the financial data.
これらサービス会社によるリスク判定と、実際の倒産リスクとの関係についての関連性の透明度の高い開示がなく、これらサービス会社が入手する財務データも断片的で、信頼度の高い最新情報を入手する仕組みとはなっていない。 And risk determination by these service companies, high disclosure is not relevant in the transparency of the relationship between the actual bankruptcy risk, financial data that these service companies to obtain even a fragmentary, a mechanism to obtain a high degree of reliability latest information not become is.
【発明が解決しようとする課題】しかしながら、上記大企業の信用リスク分析は、国毎に行われているものであり、また大企業以外の中小企業及び個人に関する信用リスクを世界的に統一された基準で分析するものとなっておらず、個人から大企業に至るまで信用リスクをグローバルに分析・評価できないという問題点があった。 The object of the invention is to be Solved However, the large companies of credit risk analysis, are those being carried out in each country, was also a unified credit risk related to small and medium-sized enterprises and individuals other than the large companies in the world not become a thing to be analyzed at the reference, the credit risk from individuals to large companies there is a problem that can not be analyzed and evaluated globally.
【０００５】本発明は上記実情に鑑みて為されたもので、個人、中小企業から大企業に至るまで信用リスクをグローバルに分析できると共に、ユーザーにおける分析を容易にし、また国別、業界別の特有の信用リスクにも対応できる信用リスク分析システム及び信用リスク分析方法を提供することを目的とする。  The present invention has been made in view of the above circumstances, an individual, with the credit risk from small business to large enterprises can be analyzed globally, to facilitate analysis of users, by country, by industry and to provide a credit risk analysis system and credit risk analysis method can cope with specific credit risk.
【０００６】また、本発明では、信用リスク判定と実際の問題債券の発生率との情報を常に開示することにより、サービスの信頼性を維持し、また銀行などの金融機関から信頼性の高い、最新の中堅中小企業の取引先に関する財務データを入手することで、信用リスク分析モデルの精度を向上させ、リスク判定の整合性を高めることを目的としている。  In the present invention, by always disclose the information of the incidence of the actual problem with the credit risk judgment debt, to maintain the reliability of the service, also reliable from financial institutions such as banks, by obtaining financial data regarding suppliers newest SMEs, to improve the accuracy of credit risk analysis model, aims at improving the consistency of the risk judgment.
【課題を解決するための手段】本発明は、各国の信用リスクに関する情報を統計的に分析して生成した各国のリスク分析モデルに基づいて、ユーザーからの財務データに対してデフォルトリスクを同一の信用リスク指標を用いて出力する信用リスク分析システム及び信用リスク分析方法としており、信用リスクを同一の信用リスク指標に基づいてグローバルに分析できる。 The present invention SUMMARY OF THE INVENTION Based on the country risk analysis model generated by statistically analyzing information on the credit risk of the country, the same default risk to the financial data from the user credit and risk measures using a credit risk analysis systems and credit risk analysis method outputs can be analyzed globally based credit risk to the same credit risk indicators.
【０００８】また、本発明は、リスク分析モデルに、個人、中小企業、大企業のリスク分析モデルを含める信用リスク分析システム及び信用リスク分析方法としており、個人、中小企業から大企業に至るまで信用リスクを分析できる。  The present invention also provides a method for risk analysis model, personal, credit small and medium-sized enterprises, has been with the credit risk analysis system and credit risk analysis methods include the risk analysis model of large companies, individuals, from small businesses to large companies risk can be analyzed.
個人、中小企業から大企業に至るまで信用リスクを同一の信用リスク指標に基づいてグローバルに分析できるものである。 Individuals are those that can be analyzed globally based on the same credit risk index credit risk from small business to large enterprises.
クライアント端末（クライアント）４とから構成されている。 And a client terminal (client) 4.
【００１１】次に、本システムの各部について説明する。  Next, a description will be given of each part of the system. 情報処理装置（サーバ）１は、信用リスクに関する情報及び債権格付けに関する実際の情報（実データ）を入力し、信用リスクＤＢ２にこれら情報を記憶させると共に、企業モデルに従って信用リスクを分析し、分析結果及び債券格付けの内容を出力する。 The information processing apparatus (server) 1 inputs the actual information about the information and receivable rating regarding credit risk (actual data), together with the stores these information in the credit risk DB2, analyzes the credit risk according enterprise model, analysis and to output the contents of the bond ratings.
【００１２】具体的には、情報処理装置１は、情報提供端末３からの信用リスクに関する実データを信用リスクＤＢ２に蓄積し、この蓄積された実データを統計的に分析し、個人、企業のデフォルトリスクを評価するリスク分析モデルを生成し、クライアント４又は情報提供端末３から入力される財務データに対してリスク分析モデルに基づいてその財務データに相当する個人又は企業のデフォルトリスクをクライアント４又は情報提供端末３に出力する。  Specifically, the information processing apparatus 1 accumulates the real data about the credit risk of the information providing terminal 3 to credit risk DB2, statistically analyzing the stored actual data, personal, corporate generates a risk analysis model to assess the default risk, the client 4 or information on the basis of risk analysis models for financial data inputted from providing terminal 3 a default risk individuals or companies that corresponds to the financial data client 4 or and outputs to the information providing terminal 3. ここで、デフォルトリスクを示す数量的指標がリスクスコアとして用いられる。 Here, quantitative indicator of default risk is used as a risk score.
１から１０までの０．０１刻みの格付けで分析結果を示し、信用分析の専門家向けに正確で一貫性があり信頼できる指標によって信用リスクを表すようになっている。 1 to show the analysis results in 0.01 increments of ratings of up to 10, which is to represent the credit risk by reliable indicator there is accurate and consistent to professionals of credit analysis.
【００１４】リスクスコアとは、４つの基本的な分野について得点をもとめたものである。  The risk score is what was determined the score for the four basic areas of. ４つの分野は、収益性、流動性とキャッシュフロー、資本構造、売上伸び率であり、それぞれの分野の得点は、それぞれの分野での借り手の実績をエキスパートシステムによって評価して算出されている。 Four areas are profitability, liquidity and cash flow, a capital structure, sales growth rate, the score of each field is calculated by the borrower of experience in their respective fields were evaluated by an expert system. 各分野の得点の加重は、デフォルトの予想に最適になるように統計的に決められている。 The weighted scores for each sector is statistically determined to optimize the default expectations.
Ｂ）２は、個人、中小企業、大企業の財務状況、デフォルト情報、産業分類情報、地域情報を含む信用リスクに関する情報を記憶する。 B) 2 is, individuals, small and medium-sized enterprises, the financial situation of large companies, the default information, industry classification information, and stores the information related to credit risk, including regional information. 特に、中小企業の場合、株式非公開企業の信用リスクに関する情報となっている。 In particular, in the case of small and medium-sized enterprises, it has become a information about the credit risk of the privately held company. また、信用リスクＤＢ２は、債権格付けに関する情報も記憶する。 In addition, credit risk DB2 also stores information about the credit rating.
【００１６】情報提供端末３は、個人、中小企業、大企業の財務状況、デフォルト情報、産業分類情報、地域情報を含む信用リスクに関する実際の情報又は債券格付けに関する情報を情報処理装置１に提供する。  The information providing terminal 3, the individual, to provide small and medium-sized enterprises, the financial situation of large companies, the default information, industry classification information, the information about the actual information or bond ratings on credit risks, including regional information to the information processing apparatus 1 . 尚、情報提供端末３によっては、株式非公開の中小企業に関する信用リスクに関する実際の情報を主に提供する端末もある。 It should be noted that, depending on the information providing terminal 3, there is also a terminal to provide mainly the actual information about the credit risk related to small and medium-sized enterprises of the privately held. このような中小企業に関する情報は、銀行等の金融機関、商社等から提供されるものである。 Information on such small and medium-sized enterprises, is intended to be provided financial institution such as a bank, from trading companies. ここで、情報提供端子３から入力された株式非公開の「主に」中小企業に関する銀行等の金融機関や商社等からの、情報を利用してエキスパートモデルを製作するが、実際の個別企業データが、ユーザー・クライアントに開示されることはないものである。 Here, the privately held, which is input from the information providing terminal 3 "primarily" from financial institutions and trading companies such as banks, etc. related to small and medium-sized enterprises, by using the information, but to produce the expert model, the actual individual company data There are those not be disclosed to the user client. また、情報提供端末３は、クライアント４としても利用可能であり、例えば、信用リスク分析を行う対象の財務データ（このデータは架空のものであっても構わない）を情報処理装置１に入力した場合に、それに対応する信用リスクの分析結果の内容が返信され、分析対象と対応する分析結果の内容を関連付けて記憶できるようになっている。 Further, the information providing terminal 3 is also available as the client 4, for example, financial data subjected to the credit risk analysis (this data may be of a hypothetical) entered into the information processing apparatus 1 when, the content reply analysis of credit risk corresponding thereto, so that can be stored in association with the contents of the analysis results corresponding to analysis.
それに対応する信用リスクの分析結果の内容が返信され、分析対象と対応する分析結果の内容を関連付けて記憶でき、更にそれら情報を編集・加工できるようになっている。 Its contents replies analysis of credit risk corresponding thereto, the analyte and can be stored in association with the contents of the corresponding analytical results, and further to be able to edit and processing them information.
【００１８】図１における本システムの処理を説明すると、情報提供端末３から個人、中小企業、大企業等の信用リスクに関する実データが情報処理装置１に入力されると、情報処理装置１は信用リスクＤＢ２に蓄積する。  To describe the process of the system in FIG 1, individual from the information providing terminal 3, small business, the actual data related to the credit risk, such as large enterprises are input to the information processing apparatus 1, the information processing apparatus 1 credit accumulate in the risk DB2.
クライアント４又は情報提供端末３からある財務データが入力されると、その財務データに対して上記リスク分析モデルを用いてリスク分析結果としてのリスクスコアを入力のあった端末に出力する。 When financial data from the client 4 or the information providing terminal 3 is input, and outputs to the terminal for which the input of risk score as a risk analysis using the above risk analysis model for the financial data.
２で管理されている。 It is managed by two. また、クライアント４等から入力される財務データは、クライアント４側では実在の企業名を用いて入力されたとしても、情報処理装置１で受け取るのは対応する財務データのみである。 Also, financial data inputted from the client 4 or the like, the client 4 side as entered using the company name of the actual, receive the information processing apparatus 1 is only the corresponding financial data. 情報処理装置１は、財務データからリスク分析モデルに基づいてリスクスコアを算出する。 The information processing apparatus 1 calculates a risk score based on the financial data on risk analysis model. 従って、情報処理装置１は、入力された財務データのみを用いてリスクスコアを算出する。 Accordingly, the information processing apparatus 1 calculates a risk score using only input financial data.
【００２０】但し、クライアント４では、実在の企業名又は架空の企業名を用いて財務データが入力された場合には、それら企業名に対応する形でリスクスコアが表示される。  However, the client 4, when the financial data using company name or fictitious company name real is input, the risk score is displayed in the form of their corresponding company name. 企業名とリスクスコアの対応表示を管理しているのは、クライアント４側ではなく、情報処理装置１側である。 The manages the corresponding display of company names and risk score, not the client 4 side, an information processing apparatus 1 side. 従って、クライアント４は情報処理装置１に接続されている状態で、企業名とリスクスコアの対応を表示できるものである。 Therefore, the client 4 in the state connected to the information processing apparatus 1, those capable of displaying the corresponding company name and risk scores.
【００２１】尚、本システムは、国単位で運用されている一方、図１２に示すように、その各国の情報処理装置が回線にて接続されている。  The present system, while being operated in units of countries, as shown in FIG. 12, the country of the information processing apparatus is connected in the line. 従って、Ａ国にアクセスしたクライアントはＡ国の情報処理装置を介してＢ国の情報処理装置にアクセスすることができ、Ｂ国におけるリスクスコア情報サービスを受けることができるものである。 Thus, clients accessing the country A is one that can have access to the information processing apparatus of the country B through the information processing apparatus of country A, undergo risk score information services in country B. この場合、Ａ国のクライアントがＢ国のリスクスコア情報サービスを容易に利用できるように、Ｂ国の情報処理装置内にはＡ国の言語でのサービスも行うようにしている。 In this case, Country A client so readily available risk score information services country B is in the information processing apparatus of country B are further performed service in the language of the country A.
と、国別・業界別企業支援モジュール３０とから構成されている。 And it is composed of a country and industry-specific enterprise support module 30.
ユーザーのオプションで英語や日本語、その他の国の言語を利用可能であり、多国籍の企業比較は為替変換を利用し、単一貨幣単位で表示することも可能である。 English and Japanese at the user's option, available to other countries of the language, comparable companies of multinational will use the exchange conversion, it is also possible to display a single monetary unit.
【００２４】また、中核リスクモデル・分析ロジック部１０は、中堅中小の株式非公開企業だけでなく、大企業モデル、債権格付け、個人信用リスクなどのデータを統合し、その全てを同日のリスクにて表示可能とするものである。  In addition, the core risk model and analysis logic unit 10, as well as privately held companies of small and medium-sized, large enterprise model, credit rating, and integrate data such as personal credit risk, all of them on the same day of the risk it is intended to enable display Te. 例えば、倒産確率別に定義された１０段階のリスクスコアにより、大企業から個人信用までの違ったタイプの債権者に対するリスク評価を一つのサイトで可能にするものである。 For example, the risk score of 10 stages, which are defined by bankruptcy probability, is intended to enable one of the sites the risk assessment for the different types of creditors from large companies to individual credit.
個人信用モデル１６、ポートフォリオリスク管理モジュール１７を備えている。 Personal credit model 16, has a portfolio risk management module 17.
１、独逸リスクスコアモデル１３、日本以外の他国の大企業モデル、他国の債権格付け、他国の個人信用モデルについては各国で生成されて保有され、日本の情報処理装置１を介してアクセスされるものである。 1, German risk score model 13, Japan other countries large enterprises model, receivables ratings in other countries, for personal credit models of other countries held is generated in each country, which is accessed via the information processing apparatus 1 in Japan it is. 但し、各国で生成されたモデルを日本の情報処理装置１に適宜取り込むようにして、日本の情報処理装置１で世界のモデル等を保有して管理することも考えられる。 However, so as to incorporate appropriate model generated in each country of Japan of the information processing apparatus 1, it is also conceivable to manage holds world models, etc. in Japan of the information processing apparatus 1.
２年前と比べて倒産が増えたのか？ Whether the bankruptcy has increased compared with two years ago? という動向を計算させたりするものである。 One in which or to calculate the trends that. ポートフォリオリスク管理モジュール１７で為される具体的処理は後で図面を用いて説明する。 Specific processing to be performed by the portfolio risk management module 17 will be described with reference to the drawings later.
【００２８】次に、ユーザーサービス機能部２０について説明する。  Next, a description will be given user service function unit 20. ユーザーサービス機能部２０は、ユーザーがクライアント４等の端末の入出力装置（プリンタも含む）で、特に画面でのデータ入出力、更にデータの編集・加工等を実現する機能部分であり、リサーチ・サポートライブラリー２１と、ユーザーデータ部２２と、ユーザーインターフェース２３とから構成されている。 User service functional unit 20 is a user input device of the terminal, such as client 4 (including printers), in particular input and output of data on the screen, a functional portion to further realize the editing and processing of data, Research a support library 21, a user data section 22, and a user interface 23.
【００２９】ユーザーサービス機能部２０のユーザーインターフェース２３は、信用リスク分析上有効な分析方法の「雛型」もリサーチ・サポートライブラリー２１に提示されているので、ユーザーは雛型プログラムの指導により多角的な分析をサイト上で直接行うことができる。  The user interface 23 of the user service function unit 20, since the "template" of valid analytical methods on the credit risk analysis has also been presented to the Research support library 21, a user is diversified under the guidance of chick type program the analysis can be carried out directly on the site. また、ユーザー機能部２０は、各種モデルを作り出している膨大な量のデータ群に対するまとめ統計も検索可能であるので、ユーザーは常に外部経済の動向を確認できる。 Further, the user function unit 20, since the summary statistics for enormous amounts of data groups are producing various models can also be searched, the user can always check the trend of the external economy. 尚、ユーザーから入力されるデータは中核リスクモデルのデータ群とは分離された形で管理される。 The data input from the user is managed in a form separate from the data group of core risk model.
中核リスクモデルに加えて、ユーザーが多枝にわたってリスクモデルを利用することを支援するエキスパートシステムである。 In addition to the core risk models, it is an expert system to help the user to utilize the risk model for multi-branch. 例えば、ユーザーのレベルに合わせて分析結果を計測し、提示するシステムとなっている。 For example, and it has a system in accordance with the user-level measures analysis, presented. この場合、画面上でユーザーにＹｅｓ，Ｎｏを選択させる質問を用いてユーザーレベルにあった分析結果の表示等が可能になる。 In this case, the user to Yes, it is possible to display of analysis results that were in the user level using the questions to select No on the screen. リサーチ・サポートライブラリー２１で為される具体的処理について後で図面を用いて説明する。 It will be described with reference to the drawings later specific processing performed by the Research Support Library 21.
【００３１】ユーザーデータ部２２は、ユーザーが利用するリスク分析対象の企業等のデータを保持する部分であり、実際には信用リスクＤＢ２内に保持される。 The user data portion 22 is a portion that holds the data of the companies of the risk analysis target users to use, in practice is held in the credit risk DB2. ユーザーインターフェース２３は、ユーザーに対するインターフェース部分であり、グラフ、表でリスク分析結果を表示したり、ユーザーに必要なデータの入力を促すために用いられる。 User interface 23 is an interface portion for a user, the graph, and displays the risk analysis results in Table used to prompt the input of data necessary for the user.
ドイツの中堅薬品会社に対して１０億円貸し出しを行うことと、アメリカの個人住宅ローンを１０億円集めたものに貸し出しを行うのはどちらがリスクがあるのか等を評価比較できるものである。 And to perform 10 billion yen loan for the medium-sized pharmaceutical companies in Germany, to carry out the lending to the United States of individual housing loans to those collected 1.0 billion yen are those which can be evaluated comparing whether there is a risk, and the like.
０は、例えば日本では、証券化モジュール３１と、担保モジュール３２とから構成される。 0, for example, in Japan, the securitization module 31, and a collateral module 32..
【００３４】証券化モジュール３１は、自社の顧客に対する売掛債権を担保にした証券化債券を発行する場合に用いられる。  securitization module 31 is used in case of issuance of securitized bonds was backed by accounts receivable for its customers. 証券化モジュールについても後で図面を用いて詳しく説明する。 It will be described in detail with reference to later drawings also for securitization module. 担保モジュール３２は、不渡りを出しそうな貸出先に対してユーザーが請求できる担保を保有しているとの仮定で、不動産担保、路線価格と経済的価格の差額をエキスパートシステムで検索し、同時に売却時期が同じような物件の場合とれほどかかっているかを提示させて、担保物件の実質的経済価値の目安を認知する。 Collateral module 32, to the likely borrowers issued a dishonored in the assumption that the user has a collateral that can be claimed, to find real estate collateral, the difference of the route prices and economic price in the expert system, at the same time sale time is to be presented whether it took about take the case of the same kind of property, to recognize the measure of the real economic value of the collateral.
〜図１１を用いて説明する。 It will be described with reference to to 11. ここで、ポートフォリオリスク管理モジュール１７とリサーチ・サポートライブラリー２１の利用方法について具体的に説明する。 Here will be specifically described how to use the portfolio risk management module 17 and Research Support Library 21. 信用リスク分析の専門家はポートフォリオリスク管理モジュール１７を直接使用し、信用審査に関するノウハウの比較的少ないクライアントは「YES/NO」や「選択肢」を使ってユーザーを導くものであり、その他にリサーチ・サポートライブラリー２１の機能として、二つほどある。 Credit risk analysis experts use the portfolio risk management module 17 directly, relatively few clients of know-how related to credit examination is intended to guide the user using the "YES / NO" and "choice", Other Research as a function of the support library 21, there is about two.
国全体のデータをわざわざポートフォリオリスク管理モジュール１７を通して一から検索、または計測しなくてもよいものとなっている。 It has the entire country data from a through purposely portfolio risk management module 17 searches, or shall not have to be measured. この機能は、「経験の少ない」ユーザー・クライアントだけでなく、もしもユーザーが信用審査の専門家であっても、コスト削減や、時間的効率性のために有用である。 This feature is not only the "less experienced" user client, even if professional users credit examination, cost reduction and are useful for the time efficiency.
【００３７】図３は、信用リスク分析結果を示す図であり、ある大企業モデルにおけるデフォルトの確率とそれに対応する格付け記号（Ａａａ〜Ｃａａ３）までのレベルを数年間にわたって表示したグラフである。  FIG. 3 is a diagram showing a credit risk analysis is a graph that displays several years the level up to the default probability and rating symbols corresponding thereto (Aaa~Caa3) in large enterprise models. 横軸が年数、左縦軸がデフォルト確率、右縦軸が評価レベルであり、グラフ中の実線が当該企業のデフォルトリスクを表している。 The horizontal axis is age, the left vertical axis default probability, a right vertical axis evaluation level, the solid line in the graph represents the default risk of the company. 尚、図中の点線は、当該モデルにおけるデフォルトリスクの平均を示している。 Dotted lines in the figure shows the average of default risk in the model.
【００３８】但し、図３は大企業モデルであり、本発明においては、実際のリスク分析モデルの中では、債権格付けや大企業モデルのリスク表示もいわゆるリスクスコア（例えば１から１０までの０．０１段階別に表現される）でも提示されるものである。  However, Figure 3 is a large enterprise model, 0 in the present invention, in real risk analysis model, the receivables rating and risk display so-called risk score large companies model (e.g. 1 to 10. to) is intended to be presented even represented by 01 stages. 全てのリスクお同じ数値システムで表記することが、リスクスコア情報サービスの重要な部分でもあるため、リスクスコアモデルでも表記されるものとなっている。 Be written in all risk your same numerical system, which is also a significant part of the risk score information services, it has become what is also expressed in risk score model.
業態平均、その標準偏差を比較することで、新規取引先の信用リスクを容易に検討できる。 Business category average, by comparing the standard deviation can be easily examined the credit risk of new customers. つまり、新規顧客の信用リスクを多角的に比較して、個別審査の効率化を進めるものである。 In other words, the multilateral comparison of the credit risk of new customers, is intended to promote the efficiency of individual examination.
【００４０】図５は、ポートフォリオリスク管理モジュール１７における処理結果を示す図であり、問題顧客の検索と、何故問題が生じたのかを確認することができるものである。  FIG. 5 is a diagram showing the processing result in the portfolio risk management module 17, and the retrieval of the problem customer, one in which it is possible to confirm whether the resulting why problem. リスクスコア情報サービスのウエブページ上で、例えば、リスクスコアが８以上で、過去一年間のリスクスコアの悪化が３５％以上の企業を検索し、変化率の高い順に出力した例を示している。 On the web pages of the risk score information services, for example, in risk score of 8 or more, to find the deterioration of 35% or more of the enterprise risk scores for the past year, shows an example in which output a high rate of change order. 尚、会社名、支店はユーザーが入力したものであり、リスクスコア、昨年のリスクスコア、変化率、要因パラメターは、ユーザー入力の財務データを用いてリスク分析モデルに従って得られたものである。 In addition, company name, branch office are those entered by the user, the risk score, the last year of the risk score, the rate of change, factors Parameta are those obtained according to the risk analysis model using the financial data of the user input.
【００４１】図６は、ポートフォリオリスク管理モジュール１７における処理結果を示す図であり、問題顧客の将来性をシミュレーションで推し量るためのものである。  FIG. 6 is a diagram showing the processing result in the portfolio risk management module 17 is for guess simulation future issues customers. 具体的には、図５で認識された、潜在的な取引先に対して重要要因パラメターに５％と１０％の追加ストレス（数値の悪化）をかけた場合、リスクスコアの変化はどうなるかを示している。 Specifically, it is recognized in FIG. 5, when multiplied by the potential 5% significant factor Parameta business partners and 10% additional stress (worsening of numbers), what happens a change in risk score shows.
【００４２】図７は、ポートフォリオリスク管理モジュール１７における処理結果を示す図であり、支店別の顧客に対する信用リスクポジションやトレンドを比較・把握するためのものである。  FIG. 7 is a diagram showing the processing result in the portfolio risk management module 17, is used to compare and understand the credit risk positions and trends for the branch by the customer. 例えば、リスクスコア情報サービスのウエブページ上で、顧客数が５０以上で、且つ顧客の平均リスクスコアが４．５以上の営業支店をリストアップし、去年のリスクスコア平均や、標準偏差などで対比させる例を示している。 For example, on the web page of the risk score information service, in the number of customers is 50 or more, and the average risk score of customers to list up 4.5 or more of the sales branch, the risk score average and last year, such as in the comparison standard deviation shows an example in which.
【００４３】図８は、ポートフォリオリスク管理モジュール１７における処理結果を示す図であり、国別のリスクポジションを把握することで、顧客層の最大化を図るものである。  Figure 8 is a diagram showing the processing result in the portfolio risk management module 17, by grasping the country risk positions, but to maximize the customer. 例えば、違う国の顧客に対して採っている信用リスクのレベル感を平均リスクスコアと標準偏差によって表示する例を示している。 For example, it shows an example of displaying a level sense of credit risk is taken with respect to different national customers with average risk score and the standard deviation. 図８では、外国の顧客に対して概して保守的なポジションを採っていることが見受けられ、ドイツでは、リスクスコアの標準偏差が低く、顧客層の開拓が遅れているといえる。 In Figure 8, it is seen that adopts a generally conservative positions to foreign customers, in Germany, low standard deviation of the risk score, it can be said that delayed development of customers.
【００４４】図９は、リサーチ・サポートライブラリー２１における処理結果を示す図であり、国別の信用リスクパターンと取引パターンの認識を深めるためのものである。  Figure 9 is a diagram showing the processing result in Research Support library 21 is for deepening recognition that trading patterns country credit risk patterns. 具体的には、国別に同じ業界の取引先の信用リスクを分析している。 More specifically, we are analyzing the credit risk of the trading partners of the country apart from the same industry. 例えば、日本では比較的低いリスクと考えられている化学業界も、実はアメリカやイタリアではリスクが高いことが分かるのと、国際リスクスコアの全体データから割り出される国別業界平均リスクの比較では、イタリアでは業界内でも高リスクの企業との取引が多いものとなっている。 For example, the chemical industry, which is considered to be relatively low risk in Japan, in fact, and it is know is high risk in the United States and Italy, in the comparison of the national industry average risk of being indexed from the entire data of the international risk score, in Italy has become a thing transactions with high risk of the company is greater in the industry.
【００４５】図１０は、リサーチ・サポートライブラリー２１における処理結果を示す図であり、予算作成時等の損失予測モデルとしてのリスクスコアを利用するものである。  Figure 10 is a diagram showing the processing result in Research Support library 21 is to utilize a risk score as a loss prediction model when budgeting like. 具体的には、過去（過去３年間）のリスクスコア別確率や同時期のリスクスコア間の動向トレンドを日本リスクスコアモデルの全体統計から割り出し、それらの数値に基づいて本年度の倒産件数を予測する例を示している。 More specifically, the past indexing the trend trend between the risk score by probability and the same time risk score of (past three years) from the overall statistics of Japan risk score model, to predict the number of bankruptcies this year on the basis of their numerical value It shows an example. 図１０において、動向トレンドは、リスクモデルに基づいて計算したもので、過去の倒産確率に動向トレンドの顧客数を掛け合わせたものが各倒産想定数として算出されるものとなっている。 10, trends trend, which was calculated based on the risk model, has become one that multiplied by the number of customers past default probability trends trend is calculated as the bankruptcy assumed number.
【００４６】図１１は、証券化モジュール３１における処理結果を示す図であり、自社の資産の効率化の可能性を調査する・格付け機関と相談する前に自社の理想のポートフォリオを作成できるものである。  FIG. 11 is a diagram showing the processing result in the securitization module 31, as it can create the ideal of the portfolio of its own before to consult with-rating agencies to investigate the possibility of the efficiency of the company's assets is there. 図１１では、売掛債権を担保にした証券化債券を発行する場合に、証券化モジュール３１を用いてどのレベルの格付け取得が可能かを調べたものである。 In Figure 11, in which in the case of issuing securitized bonds was secured receivables were examined what level rating acquisition possible or using securitization module 31. 図１１では、ユーザーが管理する会社名に対して、リスク分析モデルに基づく現行リスクスコアと業界が表示され、そこで各ユーザーが信用総額、期間を入力し、倒産時の回収予定が回収率の基づいて設定される。 In FIG. 11, against the company name of the user to manage, to display the current risk score and the industry based on risk analysis model, where each user can credit the total amount, enter the period, based on the recovery plans at the time of bankruptcy is the recovery rate It is set Te. 図１１の左下に「期間」を入力すると、証券化債券における劣後部分の割合が示され、その場合の格付けも表示される。 When the bottom left of FIG. 11 to enter a "period", the proportion of subordinated portions are shown in the securitized bonds, it is also displayed in that case the rating. 図１１では、売掛債権を担保にした証券化を説明したが、不動産、リースを担保にした証券化の場合も同様の処理となる。 In Figure 11, it has been described securitized you secured receivables, even if securitization that real estate leases as collateral the same processing.
【００４７】本発明の実施の形態に係る信用リスク分析システム及び信用リスク分析方法によれば、中核リスクモデル・分析ロジック部１０で大企業から個人までの各国のリスクモデルをユーザーに提供するようになっているので、個人、中小企業から大企業に至るまで信用リスクをグローバルに分析できる効果がある。 According to the credit risk analysis systems and credit risk analysis method according to the embodiment of the  present invention, the country risk model in core risk models and analysis logic unit 10 from large corporations to individuals to provide to the user since going on, individuals, there is an effect that can analyze the credit risk to the global from small and medium-sized companies to large companies.
【００４８】また、本発明の実施の形態に係る信用リスク分析システム及び信用リスク分析方法によれば、中核リスクモデル・分析ロジック部１０のポートフォリオリスク管理モジュール１７によって、問題顧客の検索と当該問題の原因究明を行うことができ、問題顧客の将来性をシミュレーションでき、支店別の顧客に対する信用リスクポジションやトレンドを比較・把握でき、国別のリスクポジションを把握することで顧客層の最大化を図ることができ、ユーザーにおける分析を容易にできる効果がある。 Further, according to the credit risk analysis system and credit risk analysis method according to the embodiment of the present invention, the portfolio risk management module 17 of the core risk models and analysis logic unit 10, issues the customer search and the problem cause investigation can be carried out, problems can simulate the future of the customer, can compare and understand the credit risk positions and trends for by branch customers, maximize customer base by grasping the country of risk positions it can, there is an effect that can facilitate analysis in user.
１によって、新規顧客の信用リスクを多角的に比較して個別審査の効率化を図ることができ、また国別の信用リスクパターンと取引パターンの認識を深めることができ、予算作成時の損失予測モデルとしてリスクスコアを利用できる等、ユーザーにおける分析を容易にできる効果がある。 By one, new customers of the credit risk and multilateral comparison it is possible to improve the efficiency of individual examination, also can deepen the recognition of the trading pattern country of credit risk pattern, budgeting at the time of loss prediction etc. can be utilized risk score as a model, the effect of can facilitate analysis in user.
格付け機関との相談前に自社の理想のポートフォリオを作成でき、また、担保モジュール３２によって、担保物件の実質経済価値の目安を認知でき、国別、業界別の特有の信用リスクにも対応可能にできる効果がある。 Prior consultation with the rating agencies can create the ideal of the portfolio of its own, also, by collateral module 32, can recognize the measure of the real economic value of the collateral, country, also to specific credit risk by the industry to be compatible there can be effectively.
【発明の効果】本発明によれば、各国の信用リスクに関する情報を統計的に分析して生成した各国のリスク分析モデルに基づいて、ユーザーからの財務データに対してデフォルトリスクを同一の信用リスク指標を用いて出力する信用リスク分析システム及び信用リスク分析方法としているので、信用リスクを同一の信用リスク指標に基づいてグローバルに分析できる効果がある。 According to the present invention, based on the country risk analysis model generated by statistically analyzing information on the credit risk of the country, the same credit default risk to the financial data from the user since the credit risk analysis systems and credit risk analysis method to output using an indicator, the effect that can be analyzed globally based credit risk to the same credit risk indicators.
【００５２】また、本発明によれば、リスク分析モデルに、個人、中小企業、大企業のリスク分析モデルを含める信用リスク分析システム及び信用リスク分析方法としているので、個人、中小企業から大企業に至るまで信用リスクを分析できる効果がある。  In addition, according to the present invention, the risk analysis model, individual, because the small and medium-sized enterprises, are a credit risk analysis system and credit risk analysis methods include the risk analysis model of large companies, individuals, large companies from small and medium-sized enterprises there is an effect that can analyze credit risk up to.
【図１】本発明の実施の形態に係る信用リスク分析システムの構成ブロック図である。 1 is a block diagram of a credit risk analysis system according to an embodiment of the present invention.
【図２】本発明の実施の形態に係る信用リスク分析システムを用いたリスクスコア情報サービスの概念図である。 2 is a conceptual diagram of a risk score information services using credit risk analysis system according to an embodiment of the present invention.
【図３】本発明の実施の形態における信用リスク分析結果を示す図である。 3 is a diagram showing a credit risk analysis in the embodiment of the present invention.
【図４】リサーチ・サポートライブラリーにおける処理結果を示す図である。 4 is a diagram showing a processing result of research support library.
【図５】ポートフォリオリスク管理モジュールにおける処理結果を示す図である。 5 is a diagram showing the processing result in the portfolio risk management module.
【図６】ポートフォリオリスク管理モジュールにおける処理結果を示す図である。 6 is a diagram showing the processing result in the portfolio risk management module.
【図７】ポートフォリオリスク管理モジュールにおける処理結果を示す図である。 7 is a diagram showing the processing result in the portfolio risk management module.
【図８】ポートフォリオリスク管理モジュールにおける処理結果を示す図である。 8 is a diagram showing the processing result in the portfolio risk management module.
【図９】リサーチ・サポートライブラリーにおける処理結果を示す図である。 9 is a diagram showing a processing result of research support library.
【図１０】リサーチ・サポートライブラリーにおける処理結果を示す図である。 10 is a diagram showing a processing result of research support library.
【図１１】証券化モジュールにおける処理結果を示す図である。 11 is a diagram showing the processing result in the securitization module.
【図１２】本発明の実施の形態に係る信用リスク分析システムを世界規模で応用した概念図である。  The credit risk analysis system according to an embodiment of the present invention is a conceptual diagram that applies worldwide.
【請求項１】 各国の信用リスクに関する情報を統計的に分析して生成した各国のリスク分析モデルに基づいて、ユーザーからの財務データに対してデフォルトリスクを出力する情報処理装置を備えることを特徴とする信用リスク分析システム。 [Claim 1] Based on the risk analysis model country which is generated by statistically analyzing information on the credit risk of the country, characterized in that it comprises an information processing apparatus for outputting a default risk to the financial data from the user credit risk analysis system that.
【請求項２】 リスク分析モデルには、個人、中小企業、大企業のリスク分析モデルが含まれることを特徴とする請求項１記載の信用リスク分析システム。 Wherein the risk analysis model, individuals, small businesses, credit risk analysis system of claim 1, wherein to include risk analysis model large enterprises.
【請求項３】 各リスク分析モデルに基づいて出力されるデフォルトリスクを同一の信用リスク指標を用いて表すことを特徴とする請求項１又は請求項２記載の信用リスク分析システム。 3. A process according to claim 1 or claim 2 credit risk analysis system, wherein the representative by using the same credit risk measures the default risk of being output based on the risk analysis model.
【請求項４】 ユーザーが管理する顧客に対してポートフォリオを取得して管理可能としたことを特徴とする請求項１乃至請求項３記載の信用リスク分析システム。 4. The method of claim 1 to claim 3 Credit risk analysis system wherein the user has a manageable acquired portfolio to the customer to manage.
【請求項５】 取得したポートフォリオがユーザーにとって利用可能な形態でまとめて管理され、周期的に各リスク分析モデルの精度を確認する情報を更新することを特徴とする請求項４記載の信用リスク分析システム。 Portfolio 5. acquired are managed collectively in available form for users, periodically credit risk analysis according to claim 4, wherein the updating information to verify the accuracy of the risk analysis model system.
【請求項６】 国別又は業界別の特異な要求に対応する支援モジュールを設けたことを特徴とする請求項１乃至請求項５記載の信用リスク分析システム。 6. A national or claims 1 to 5 credit risk analysis system according to characterized in that a support module that corresponds to the industry-specific specific requirements.
【請求項７】 情報提供者から提供される、少なくとも企業の財務状況、デフォルト情報、産業分類情報、地域情報を含む株式非公開企業の信用リスクに関する情報を記憶する信用リスクデータベースと、前記信用リスクデータベースに記憶された信用リスクに関する情報を統計的に分析し、株式非公開企業のデフォルトリスクを評価するリスク分析モデルを生成する情報処理装置とを備え、 前記情報処理装置は、インターネットを介して接続するクライアントから入力される財務データに対して、前記リスク分析モデルに基づいてデフォルトリスクを出力することを特徴とする信用リスク分析システム。 7. is provided from the information provider, at least financial companies, default information, industry classification information, the credit risk database for storing information about the credit risk of the privately held companies, including regional information, the credit risk information about credit risk, which is stored in the database statistically analyzed, and a stock information processing apparatus for generating a risk analysis model to assess the default risk of the privately held, the information processing apparatus, connected via the Internet credit risk analysis system with respect to financial data inputted from the client, and outputs the default risk on the basis of the risk analysis model.
【請求項８】 情報処理装置は、リスク分析モデル生成のために、少なくとも収益性、流動性とキャッシュフロー、資本構造、売り上げ伸び率を用いて、株式非公開企業のデフォルトリスクを評価することを特徴とする請求項７記載の信用リスク分析システム。 8. The information processing apparatus, for risk analysis model generation, at least profitability, liquidity and cash flow, capital structure, using a sales growth rate, to evaluate the default risk of the privately held credit risk analysis system according to claim 7, wherein.
【請求項９】 情報処理装置は、クライアントで管理する特定企業の財務データが入力されると、当該特定企業の財務データを取得し、リスク分析モデルに基づいて当該財務データに対応するデフォルトリスクを、前記特定企業に対応して前記クライアントに表示させることを特徴とする請求項７又は請求項８記載の信用リスク分析システム。 9. The information processing apparatus, the financial data of the specific company to be managed by the client is entered, acquires financial data of the specific company, the default risk corresponding to the financial data based on risk analysis model , claim 7 or claim 8 credit risk analysis system, wherein the to be displayed on the client in response to the specific company.
【請求項１０】 情報処理装置は、クライアントで管理する株式非公開企業における特定企業の財務データにストレスを加えるテストが行われると、当該テストに応じてリスク分析モデルに基づいてデフォルトリスクを前記クライアントに出力することを特徴とする請求項９記載の信用リスク分析システム。 10. An information processing apparatus, when tested by applying stress to the financial data of a specific company in the privately held managed by the client is performed, the client default risk based on risk analysis model in accordance with the test credit risk analysis system of claim 9, wherein the output to.
記載の信用リスク分析システム。 Credit risk analysis system described.
【請求項１２】 各国毎に信用リスクデータベースと情報処理装置が設けられ、各国の情報処理装置は相互に回線接続され、各国毎に信用リスクデータベースにデータが蓄積され、各国毎の情報処理装置でリスク分析モデルが生成される信用リスク分析システムであって、 各国における情報処理装置で各国のリスク分析モデルに基づいて出力されるデフォルトリスクを数値化したリスクスコアと倒産確率をどの国においても同一の信用リスク指標で表し、自国の情報処理装置は、他国の情報処理装置とリンクしており、自国の情報処理装置にアクセスしたクライアントに対して、自国のリスク分析モデル又はリンクする他国のリスク分析モデルに基づく株式非公開企業のデフォルトリスクを出力する情報処理装置であることを特徴とする信用 12. Credit for each country risk database and the information processing apparatus is provided, each country of the information processing apparatus is the line connected to each other, the data on the credit risk database for each country is stored in the information processing apparatus of each country a credit risk analysis system risk analysis model is generated, the same in any country risk score and default probability obtained by digitizing the default risk of being output based on the country risk analysis model in the information processing apparatus in each country expressed in credit risk indicators, country of the information processing apparatus is to the information processing apparatus and the links in other countries, for clients that access their own information processing apparatus, risk analysis model in other countries for risk analysis model or link their credit, characterized in that an information processing apparatus that outputs the default risk of the privately held company based on スク分析システム。 Risk analysis system.
【請求項１３】 自国の情報処理装置は、自国の情報処理装置にアクセスしてリンクする他国の情報処理装置に更にアクセスするクライアントに対して、リンクする他国のリスク分析モデルに基づく株式非公開企業のデフォルトリスクを自国語で出力する情報処理装置であることを特徴とする請求項１２記載の信用リスク分析システム。 13. country of the information processing apparatus to the client further access to the information processing apparatus of another country which link to access their own information processing apparatus, a privately held company based on risk analysis model in other countries to link credit risk analysis system of claim 12, wherein the default risk of an information processing apparatus for outputting native language.
【請求項１４】 リスク分析モデルには、個人、株式公開の大企業のリスク分析モデルを加え、個人又は株式公開の大企業のデフォルトリスクが出力されることを特徴とする請求項７乃至請求項１３記載の信用リスク分析システム。 The 14. risk analysis model, individual, added large companies risk analysis model of IPO claims 7 to, characterized in that the default risk of large companies personal or public offering is output 13 credit risk analysis system described.
【請求項１５】 インターネットを介して接続するクライアントから財務データが入力されると、情報処理装置は、信用リスクデータベースに記憶されている、企業の財務状況、デフォルト情報、産業分類情報、地域情報を含む株式非公開企業の信用リスクに関する情報を統計的に分析し、株式非公開企業のデフォルトリスクを評価するリスク分析モデルを生成し、当該リスク分析モデルに基づいてデフォルトリスクを出力することを特徴とする信用リスク分析方法。 When 15. financial data from the client connected through the Internet is input, the information processing apparatus, the credit is stored in the risk database, financial companies, default information, industry classification information, the area information and characterized by outputting a default risk privately held information about the credit risk of companies statistically analyzed to generate a risk analysis model to assess the default risk of the privately held, on the basis of the risk analysis model comprising credit risk analysis how to.
【請求項１６】 クライアントから特定企業の財務データが入力されると、情報処理装置は、当該特定企業の財務データを取得し、リスク分析モデルに基づいて当該取得した財務データに対応するデフォルトリスクを、前記特定企業に対応して前記クライアントで表示させることを特徴とする請求項１５記載の信用リスク分析方法。 When financial data of a particular companies 16. client is input, the information processing apparatus obtains the financial data of the specific company, the default risk corresponding to the financial data which the acquired based on risk analysis model credit risk analysis method according to claim 15, wherein the display in the client corresponding to the specific companies.
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